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Corporation 


33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  873-4S03 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVi/ICIVIH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 

Th 

The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
r  <py  which  may  be  bibiiographically  unique, 
which  mav  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
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L'institut  a  microfilm^  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
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une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  m6thode  normale  de  MImage 
sont  indiquds  ci-dessous. 

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Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 

Coloured  pages/ 
.    Pages  de  couleur 

Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommagee 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommagdes 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
.    Couverture  restaurie  et/ou  pellicul6e 

Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaur^es  et/ou  pellicul6es 

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Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

,  /Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxad/ 
Pages  ddcolor^es,  tachet^es  ou  piqu6es 

or 

1      1    Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  giographiques  en  couleur 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  d6tach6es 

Th 
■h 
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Coloured  ink  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
...    Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

y    Showthrough/ 
^     Transparence 

Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Quality  of  print  varies/ 
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Ml 
dif 

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Tight  bir.ding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

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Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajoutdes 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  dtait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6X6  filmies. 


I      I    Includes  supplementary  material/ 


D 
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Comprend  du  materiel  suppiementaire 

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Seule  Edition  disponible 

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obtenir  la  meiileure  image  possible. 


en 
be 

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D 


Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl6mentaires: 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  film4  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqui  ci-dessous. 


10X 

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30X 

7 

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32X 

Th«  copy  fllm«d  h«r«  ha*  b—n  raproducad  thanks 
to  tha  ganaroaity  of: 

Library  Diviiion 

Provincial  Archivas  of  British  Columbia 

Tha  imagas  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  bast  quality 
posaibia  consldaring  tha  condition  and  laglbllity 
of  tha  original  copy  and  In  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spaciflcations. 


L'axamplaira  film*  f ut  raproduit  grica  i  la 
g4n4roslt*  da: 

Library  Division 

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Las  Imagaa  sulvantas  ont  «t«  raproduitas  avac  la 
pi  js  grand  soin,  compta  tanu  da  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattatA  da  l'axamplaira  film*,  at  an 
conformitA  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  da 
fiimaga. 


Orig^^al  coplas  in  printad  papar  covars  ara  filmad 
baglnning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  last  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impras- 
sion.  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriata.  All 
othar  original  coplas  ara  filmad  baginning  on  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impras- 
sion.  and  anding  on  tha  last  paga  with  a  printad 
or  illustratad  imprassion. 


Tha  last  racordad  frama  on  aach  microfiche 
shall  contain  tha  symbol  ^^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  y  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 


Lea  exemplaires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimta  sont  fiimAs  en  commen^ant 
par  la  premier  plat  at  en  terminant  soit  par  la 
darnlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'imprejslon  ou  d'iiiustration,  soit  par  la  second 
plat,  salon  is  cas.  Tous  las  autres  exemplaires 
originaux  sont  fllmAs  en  commenpant  par  la 
pramlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'iiiustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  deriilAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaltra  sur  la 
darnlAre  image  da  cheque  microfiche,  seion  le 
cas:  le  symbols  — »*  signifie  "A  SUIVRE".  le 
symbols  ▼  signifie  "FIN  ". 


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different  reduction  retioa.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  fallowing  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
filmte  A  dos  taux  da  reduction  diff Grants. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA,  il  est  film*  6  partir 
de  Tangle  supirieur  gauche,  de  gauche  h  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  la  nombre 
d'images  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthoda. 


1  2  3 


32X 


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-If 


HO 


INT 


SPEECH 


Of 


HON.  S.  JONES,  OF  GEORGIA, 


oir 


THE  OREGO?^  QUESTION. 


DELIVERED 


IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  THURSDAY,  JANUARY  15,  1846, 


WASHINGTON: 
BLAIR  &  RIVES,  PRINTERS. 

/  1846. 


0\u)  p 


: 


'i 

I  On  the 


i^.fmmmmmm 


THE    OREGON   QUESTION. 


On  the  Resolution  for  terminating  the  joint  occu- 
pation of  Oregon. 

Before  proceeding,  Mr.  JONES,  being  informed 
by  the  Chairman  that  >\  motion  to  amend  was  not 
in  order,  sent  the  foUowiiig  resolution  to  the  Clerk's 
table;  which  at  his  request  was  read  by  the  Clerk: 

^'Resolved,  That  the  people  of  the  United  States 
'  have  full  reliance  upon  the  discretion,  the  patriot- 

*  ism,  and  the  wisdom  of  the  President,  and  tho  ,; 

*  advisers  whom  the  Constitution  has  placed  around 

*  him;  and  fee)  willing,  should  negotiation  be  re- 

*  newed,  to  submit  the  rights  of  the  United  States 
'  to  his  care,  management,  and  protection,  with  an 

*  entire  and  abiding  confidence  that  those  rights, 
'  the  honor  and  best  interests  of  the  United  States, 
'  will  be  sustained,  defended,  and  protected." 

It  is  my  intention,  Mr.  Chairman,  to  vote  for  the 
resolution  offered  by  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Affairs,  as  proposed  to  be  amended  by  the  chair- 
man of  that  committee;  and  I  shall  offer  the  resolu- 
tion which  has  just  been  read  as  an  additional  sec- 
tion, by  way  of  amendment. 

It  is  due  both  to  myself  and  my  constituents,  as 
■well  as  to  this  House,  that  my  reasons  should  be 
given  for  this  course,  and  I  shall  now  proceed  to 
do  so. 

Unless  our  title  to  Oregon  be  good  and  sufficient, 
it  would  be  improper  to  vote  for  that  resolution. 
But,  on  the  other  hand,  if  we  have  the  best  title  to 
that  territory,  but  one  course  is  left,  and  that  is,  to 
give  the  notice,  fearless  of  consequences. 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  Spain  made  the  first  dis- 
coveries on  the  western  shore  of  this  continent; 
and,  by  discovery,  had  the  right  of  settlement.  I 
am  free  to  admit  this  right  of  settlement,  growing 
out  of  discovery,  could  only  endure  for  a  reasona- 
ble time;  and  if  it  were  not  improved  within  a  rea- 
sonable time,  any  other  nation  might,  by  actual 
settlement,  (that  is,  reclaiming  the  wild  lands  by 
cultivation,  building  up  cities,  &c. ;  and  not  by  fish- 
ing and  hunting,  and  erecting  temporary  huts  for 
those  purposes  only,)  deprive  Spain  of  the  right  of 
discovery,  and  obtain  a  better  title — that  by  settle- 
ment. Has  England  or  any  other  nation  made  any 
such  settlements  in  any  part  of  the  Oregon  terri- 
tory, (except  in  the  valley  of  the  Columbia,  to 
which  I  will  presently  call  your  attention,)  so  as 
to  deprive  Spain  of  her  right  by  discovery.'  I 
think  not.  Cfan  any  gentleman  on  this  floor  point 
to  the  place  where  any  nation  has  made  any  set- 
tlement which  would  deprive  Spain  of  that  right.' 


I  know  of  none;  for  I  do  not  call  fishing  and  hunt- 
ing-huts, to  protect  seal-skins  and  peltry,  such  set- 
tlements. I  refer  particularly  to  that  part  of  the 
territory  above  49°;  for  I  shall  contend  and  show 
that  the  United  States  is  the  only  nation  that  had 
interfered  with  this  right  of  Spain,  by  discovery  of 
the  mouth  of  the  Columbia,  and  the  exploration 
and  settlement  of  the  valley  of  that  great  river  of 
the  west.  Spain,  then,  having  acquired  the  right 
of  settlement  by  discovery,  by  the  convention  or 
treaty  of  1819  transferred  all  her  rights  to  the  Uni- 
ted States. 

But  v/e  are  told,  that  before  the  treaty  of  1819 
she  had  parted  with  some  of  those  rights,  and  trans- 
ferred them  to  England  by  the  treaty  of  the  Escurial, 
commonly  called  the  Nootka  sound  convention. 
We  will  examine  this  presently.  By  the  settle- 
ment of  Canada  on  the  Atlantic,  France  claimed 
the  right  by  continuity  tc  all  tae  land  to  the  Pacific 
ocean;  and  by  the  settlement  of  the  English  prov- 
inces south  of  Canada,  England  claimed  by  con- 
tinuity the  right  of  territory  also  to  the  Pacific;  and 
she  asserted  and  imbodied  this  claim  in  the  several 
charters  to  her  American  provinces,  by  granting, 
in  express  terms,  the  whole  territory  bounded  on 
the  west  by  the  Pacific  ocean.  In  the  war  com- 
monly called  the  "  Old  French  War,"  which  was 
closed  by  the  treaty  of  1763,  Canada  was  captured 
by  Great  Britain,  and  France  ceded  to  England  all 
her  right  to  that  province  east  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  England  ceded  to  France  all  her  rifi;ht  west  of 
that  river  on  tne  Pacific,  not  only  to  that  pai-t  of 
Canada  which  France  claimed  by  continuity,  but 
to  all  the  territory  which  England  claimed  by  con- 
tinuity as  appended  to  her  American  provinces. 
I  shall  not  stop  here  to  inquire  whether  this  right 
by  continuity,  claimed  by  England,  be  good  or 
bad — that  is  not  important;  she  ceded  all  her  right 
to  France,  and  she  is  now  barred — as  we  would  say 
in  law  esto}med — from  setting  up  any  claim  against 
France  and  those  claiming  under  her.  In  the 
treaty  of  1803,  France  ceded  to  the  United  States 
all  her  rights;  and  Spain  alone  remaining  to  con- 
test the  rights  acquired  by  that  treaty  from  France, 
in  1819  the  rights  of  Spain  were  added  to  those  ac- 

?uired  from  France,  and  both  became  vested  in  the  I 
Fnited  States.     It  may  be  urged  that  England  had 
no  title  to  any  part  of  Oregon  in  1763;  that  she 
claims  by  right  of  discovery  and  settlement  since 
that  time.    That  may  be  so.    But,  sir,  having  I 
made  the  cession  of  all  claim.,  to  France  in  1763,1 
she  could  not  afterwards,  in  equity  and  justice,  ac- 1 


^-^o-:^iHl 


Jiiire  nny  rifjlifs  'n  rnntravriition  oT  tlio  ri^litM  of 
Vance,  luul  she  has  not,  in  point  of  fu^t,  done  no. 
Spain  havin;^  first  luiiuircd  llic  rij^lit  l)y  rliscov- 
ery,  no  siiliserinnnt  rij^lit  hy  discovery  luui  be  sot 
up;  and  England  nrver  liasatMiuirci'  a  ri;;lit  bj'  ac- 
tual settlement — she  never  lias  made  scttlemcntM 
north  of  49^,  an''  her  settlements  in  the  valley  of 
the  Columbia  were  posterior  to  liioso  of  the  United 
States,  (as  I  will  presently  show,)  and  could  not, 
therefm-e,  constitute  any  title.  Il'ing  without  title, 
cither  by  discovery  or  settlemenl.,  fo  any  part  of 
Oregon,  she  invokes  the  aid  of  theNootka  conven- 
tion; and  this  naturally  brings  us  to  the  considera- 
tion of  the  sti|inlations  of  that  convenlion,  and  the 
rights  acquired  i)y  Eiigland  luider  it.  By  the  terms 
of  that  convention,  the  subjects  of  Great  I'ritaiu 
were  atuhorized  to  land  "on  the  coasts  of  those 
'  seas,  in  places  not  already  occupied,  _/()*•  Utr  pur- 
^  pose  of  carrying  on  their  commerce  ir'ilh  the  nulivrt: 
'  of  the  country,  or  of  mahing  sellhinenls  there.'''  It 
is  a  sound  principle  that  "  indusio  unius  est  excla- 
sio  nlterins" — the  insertion  of  certain  and  specified 
purposes  excludes  all  others,  and  tliat  the  right 
given  of  trading  with  the  natives  does  not  give  nny 
claim  to  territory,  jurisdiction,  and  sovereignty. 
The  claim  of  England,  then,  under  the  Nootka  con- 
vention, can  only  extend  by  the  stipulations  of  tlie 
convention  to  the  purposes  of  settlement  and  trade, 
and  catmot  extend  to  tlie  right  of  soil,  jurisdiction, 
and  sovereignty.  Having  thus  entered  into  this 
convention,  and  made  their  settlements  for  the  pur- 
pose of  trade  with  the  natives,  all  the  improve- 
ments or  settlements  made  by  English  subjects 
since  that  time  must  be  considered  as  made  under 
that  treaty,  in  accordance  with  and  to  carry  out  the 
purposes  alleged  in  that  treaty,  and  can  add  noth- 
ing to  the  rights  of  England. 

If  a  man  b"  contract  with  me  enters  and  remains 
in  possession  f  my  land  for  jjurposes  specified  in 
the  contract,  his  possession  and  improvements  can 
never  ripen  into  a  title;  while  if  he  had  entered 
without  permission  and  held  adversely  to  my  title, 
long  continued  possession  and  improvements  miglit 
give  him  a  good  and  indefeasible  title.  So,  sir, 
England  having  made  all  her  improvements  for  the 
purposes  of  hunting,  fishing,  and  trading  with  the 
natives,  under  the  Nooika  convention,  can  never 
insist  on  them  for  any  other  purpose,  and  can  never 
bring  any  aid  to  lier  claim  under  that  convention, 
by  the  settlements  that  may  have  since  been  made 
Eiiiglandjthen,  having  no  rightful  claim  to  Oregon 
by  discovery,  can  set  up  none  by  settlement  under 
the  Nootka  convention,  as  all  made  under  that  con- 
vention were  for  the  purposes  of  settlement  and 
trade  with  the  natives. 

Again  :  the  Nootka  convention  was  entered 
into  in  1790,  and  England  and  Spain  went  to  war 
in  1796,  and  by  war  all  treaties  between  the  parties 
are  abrogated.  While  this  is  not  denied  as  a  gen- 
eral principle  by  the  English  Minister,  it  is  con- 
tended this  treaty  recognised  or  ceded  to  England 
certain  rights  of  soil,  jurisdiction  and  sovereignty; 
in  other  words,  that  property  in  the  country  was 
admitted  to  be  in  Great  Britain.  There  is  nothing 
in  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  which  will  warrant 
such  a  conclusion.  Lngland  was  authorized  to 
land  in  all  places  not  already  occupied,  "for  the  pur- 
pose of  carrying  on  commerce  with  the  natives  of 
the  country,  or  of  making  settlements  there;"  and 
-this  agreement  neither  adds  to  nor  diminishes  the 


title  wlii<'h  she  lia( 
a  goofi  lille  bel'ore 
impair  it;  if  she 
strengthen  it; 


before  that  treaty,     Tf  she  hii 

thai   lime,  that  treaty  do(\s  lie 

had    a    bad   title,    it    does    no 

And  if  she  had  no  title,  it  does  no 


give  her  one,  other  than  "  for  the  pm-pose  of  car- 

'  ryi)ig  on  coiunien'c  with  the  natives  of  the  coini 

try  and  of  making  .■•eitlemeniN  there.''    Tlien;fore. 

a'l   iiiiing    to    iniernational    law,   tliiit   treaty  was 

,  abrogated  by  the  war  ot'  179(>.     This  piinciple  o| 

'  iiiicrnLiioiial   law  cannot  be  denied  by  Great  Brit- 

I  tain.     She  lias  contended  for  it  against  the  United 

States.     By  the   treaty  of  17K'J,  we  ^lad   the  right 

to  fish  on  the  Banks  of  Newfoundland, and  to  erect 

:  e.-'taldisluiK  iits  for  the  curing  of  fish,  &e.     By  the 

i  warof  1S12,  Great  Britain  (Contended  that  the  stip- 

ulii  ions  of  the   treaty  securing  these   rights  were 

;  abrogated,  and  tin'  iilenipoteniiarics  of  the  United 

!  States,  acting  upon  the  American  jirinciplc  of  "de- 

'  nianding   nothing  that  is   wrong,"  admitted  the 

'  jirinciple,  and  submitted  to  less  advantageous  con- 

j  ditions  than  we  had  under  the  treaty  of  1763.  The 

!  treaty  of  the  Escurial  lieing  then  abrogated  by  the 

i  war  of  179fl,  England  was  thrown   back  on  the 

'  rights  she  possessed  before  the  Nootka  convention; 

,  and  before  that  she  had  neither  the  right  of  di.scov- 

'  cry  n(u*  of  S(;ttlement. 

!      The  only  nation  which  could  interfere  with  the 
I  right  of  discovery  belonging  to  Spain,  is  the  Uni- 
ted States,  by  the  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  the 
!  Columbia  river,  the  exploration  of  that  river  and  its 
!  tributaries,  and  the  settlement  made  by  American 
!  citizens  at  its  mouth.    In  1789,  Captain  Gray  first 
I  ascertained  the  existence  of  the  river;  in  1792  he 
'  entered  the  mouth  and  sailed  some  miles  up  the  riv- 
I  er,  trading  with  the  natives;  and  in  1805-6,  Lewis 
'  and  Clarke  explored  it  by  order  of  Mr.  Jefi'erson, 
i  then  President  of  the  United  States.  In  1810,  a  set- 
'  tlement  (Astoria)  was  made  by  citizens  of  the  Uni- 
I  ted  States.     So  Air  as  the  valley  of  the  Columbia 
I  was  concerned,  and  indeed  all  the  country  drained 
j  by  that  river  and  its  tributaries,  according  to  the 
j  laws  of  nations,  the  United  States  alone  had  the 
!  right   to  contest  the  right  of  Spain  acquired  by 
i  discevery.     It  may  be  alleged  that  England  has 
;  also  made  settlements  in  the  valley  of  the  Colum- 
!  bia.     This  will  not  be  denied;  but  it  confers  no 
j  right.   As  no  subsequent  discovery  can  destroy  the 
j  right  of  Spain  by  discovery,  so  no  subsequent  set- 
j  tlement  can  injure  or  destroy  the  right,  by  settle- 
ment, first  acquired  by  tlie  United  States.  And  in 
I  further  confirmation  and  completion  of  this  right 
of  the  United  States,  her  citizens  have  continually 
migrated  and  populated  tluit  country  since  that 
time,  and  in  later  years,  not  by  scores  and  hun- 
dreds, but  by  thousands;  and  now  more  than  eight- 
tenths   were  and   are  citizens   of    these    United 
States. 

Without  admitting  that  a  sufficient  title  has  not 
been  demonstrated  to  the  whole  country,  I  am  wil- 
ling to  meet  gentlemen,  who  suggest  doubts  as  to 
our  title,  on  their  own  ground;  and  I  will  ask  if 
any  man  in  this  House  is  prepared  to  deny  that 
we  have  the  better  title  to  the  whole  territory .' 

It  has  not  been  denied  by  the  Engli.sh  minister 
that  the  title  of  the  United  States  is  equally  valid 
with  that  of  England.  Lord  Castlereagh  ^'admit- 
ted, in  the  most  ample  extent,  our  right  to  be  7-ein- 
stated,"  (in  possession,)  "a»id  to  be  the  party 

IN    P0SSESSIO>r  WIIILK    TREATING    OF    THE    TITLE;" 

and  Mr.  Pakenhani  urges  the  division  proposed 


by  hinj 
niencel 
natiouj 
claim 
guage 
lo  be  el 
to  all  tl 
ihe  bef 
the  vi'J 
livir  tl 
guagel 
1776. 
not  nil 
and  vv| 
sbowt 
by  thtl 


5 


(naiy  (|,),;.s  (,(. 
I!''.  It  flfUM  no 
I'"'',  It  (lor.s  nri 
||>iir|)osf.  „f  car. 
"''  llifi  cnijii 
„  '  riuTvSnn: 
I  '!"   "•'■ii'X  \Vi„ 

',"'^'  I'llliciplo  r)/ 
[iiy  Gnat  Hrit. 
\iim  Uw  United 
"ad  tlio  risrht 
I'"',  and  to  erect 
'•'  '^''-  By  tlie 
;«  tlint  the  stip- 
^P  ri-)i(.s  M'ciT 

"'■  tiK'  Uin'ted 
[""■iple  of  "de- 

'"Imitted  the 
in(a:;;rjiiii,s  con- 
•  of  1783.  The 
•"/rutrd  by  the 

'•"c't  on  the 
v.'iconvnnion; 
s'lit  of  discov- 

■fere  with  the 
•1.  is  tlie  Uni- 
moiith  of  the 
It  river  and  its 
'>y  Anierican 
vin  Gray  first 

,•;  ill  1793  he 

'P«  up  the  I'iv- 

«0r)-6,  Lewis      j 

^i-.Jefierson,       « 

»1810,aset- 

s  of  tlie  Uni- 

lie  CoJumbiii 

iiti-y  drained 

"•ding  to  the 

one  had  the 

acquired   by 

'"gland  Jias 
tile  Colum- 

^  confers  no 

destroy  the 

sequent  set- 

»  ^y  settle- 

'S-  And  in 
ti'is  right 

:onthiually 

since  that 
and  hun- 

iian  eight- 

e    United 

e  has  not 
I  am  wij- 

'!'ts  as  to         f 
ill  ask  if  * 

<^ny  that 
tory  ? 

nnnister 
'%  valid 
"  admit- 
be  rein- 

!    PARTY 

title;" 
roposed 


liy  liiin  on  (lie  grounds  of  necessity  and  conve- 
nience Id  the  intei-est  of'Great  Hritair).  No  other 
nation  iliini  the  United  States  cun  niit  up  a  decent 
claim  to  that  conistry,  unless  Kngiand,  in  the  lan- 
guage of  my  colleague  [Mr.  Toomiis]  has  the  right 
to  be  consi(lere(l  the  resiiluary  legatee  from  Adam, 
to  all  the  earth  to  which  no  other  nai'ion  can  show 
the  best  possible  and  perfect  title;  and  that  she  has 
the  right,  therefore,  to  order  us,  rx  c(itlieilra,U>  de- 
liver the  possession  to  her.  This  imjierative  lan- 
guage had  been  used  to  her  youthful  colonies  in 
IVVIJ.  Those  colonics  had  grov;n  into  manhood, 
not  umler  her  fostering  care,  but  by  her  neglect; 
and  when  their  strength  was  only  three  millions, 
showed  that  the  Anglo-Saxon  blood  was  improved 
by  the  spirit  of  liberty ,  ami  proved  to  the  world  that 

"  Tlirico  i.-i  he  nniicil  liaf  liiitli  liis  quarrel  just ; 
Ami  lie  hut  linked,  iinniali  hieked  iip  ni  steel, 
Whilst^  coiiscieiieu  with  injustice  is  corrupted." 

We  then  defied  the  gi;;- antic  powfir  and  countless 
weidth  of  Britain;  and  shall  we  now  cower  before 
her  frowns,  when  our  population  numbers  twenty 
niillions? 

While  our  right  to  the  country  has  not  been 
denied,  wc  have  been  told  of  the  immense  atrcngtli 
ami  power  of  England,  of  the  vastness  of  her  re- 
sources, of  her  war-steamers,  her  line-of-battle 
ships,  and  all  that  vast  armament  which  catches 
every  breeze  and  whitens  every  sea,  and  by  v/hich 
she  has  assumed  to  call  herself  the  mistress  of  the 
ocean.  I  can  as  little  fear  the  power  of  England 
as  this  House  did,  at  the  last  session,  fear  the  im- 
potency  of  Mexico.  You  did  not  hesitate  to  an- 
nex Texas  (even  to  the  Rio  Grande)  to  the  Union, 
despite  the  remonstrances  of  Mexico;  why  now 
hesitate  to  give  the  notice,  regardless  of  the  growl- 
ing of  the  British  lion  ?  For  my  part,  I  much 
prefer  "to  rouse  the  lion  than  to  start  a  hare." 
I  love  a  "foeman  worthy  of  our  steel,"  and  would 
sooner  throw  the  gage  of  battle  to  proud,  and 
haughty,  and  powerful  England,  than  to  bullying, 
and  blustering,  and  impotent  Mexico. 

The  next  question  for  our  consideration  is,  the 
propriety  of  giving  notice  to  England,  and  the  con- 
sequences which  may  follow.  And  here  I  wish 
it  distinctly  understood  that,  having  ascertained 
what  the  honor  and  best  interests  of  our  country 
demand  and  require,  I  am  almost  M'holly  reganl- 
Icss  of  consecpiences.  The  people  whom  I  have 
the  honor  to  represent  would  spurn  me  from  their 
confidence  with  contempt,  were  I  to  place  in  the 
scale  the  danger  of  a  contest  with  England  against 
the  honor  and  interests  of  the  United  States. 

Let  us,  then,  inquire  whether  the  notice  ought  to 
bo  given.  The  President  has  told  us  that  our  pro- 
position has  been  rejected  and  withdrawn;  and  that 
this  rejection,  and  the  extraordinary  and  wholly 
inadmissible  demands  of  the  British  Governmeiu, 
"  afford  satisfactory  evidence  that  no  compromise 
which  the  United  States  ought  to  accept  can  be 
effected."  Can  we  ofierto  renew  the  negotiations 
under  these  circumstances.'  And  if  we  were  to  do 
so,  can  we  expect  any  other  answer  than  the  one  we 
have  already  received,  and  that,  too,  more  haughtily 
expressed?  Have  we  any  reason  to  believe  the 
minds  of  the  English  ministers  have  changed,  and 
that  they  will  now  accept  what  they  have  before 
so  promptly — not  to  say  rudely — rejected .'  If  any 
such  exist,  I  have  yet  to  be"  informed  of  them. 
Does  the  President  expect  they  will  accept  any 


that  wc  can  offer,  or  that  wc  ran  accept  any  they 
will  fjffer?  He  has  told  us,  in  plain  and  distinct 
terms,  they  will  not;  and  looking  over  the  whole 
subject-matter,  and  (lii;iliar'j;ing  the  high  duties  im- 
posed on  him  by  the  ('(uistitulion,  he  has,  with- 
out hesitatiori,  and  without  shrinking  fnuu  the  ro 
spoiisibility  of  the  otHce  in  which  he  has  been 
placed  by  the  peo])lt — the  greatest  in  the  world — 
advis(  (1  us  to  direct  him  to  give  the  notice.  Some 
gentlemen  are  willing  to  leave  it  to  him.  No,  sir. 
tt  properly  belongs  to  us;  and  if,  as  some  gentle- 
men fi'ar,  it  will  lead  to  war,  the  Constitution  em- 
phatically rcfiuires  us  not  to  shrink  from  that  re- 
sponsibility, but  fearlessly  to  (htermine  all  ques- 
tions of  peace  and  war.  It  would  be  a  shameful 
abando.unent  of  duty  to  require  the  Presidrmt  to 
determine  that  question,  that  we  might  avoid  the 
consequences,  by  telling  our  constituents,  "They 
cannot  say  that  we  did  it."  Again,  sir:  Almost 
every  gentleman  who  has  addressed  this  House 
has  expressed  his  conviction  that  our  title  is  good 
I  and  sui'ficient,  since  the  able  exposition  of  that 
I  title  by  our  Secretaries  f>f  State;  and  scarcely  a 
i  man  can  be  found,  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of  this  land,  that  is  not  entirely  satisfied 
of  the  goodness  of  that  title.  How,  then,  can  we 
refuse  to  carry  out  the  judgment  they  have  pro- 
nounced, by  taking  possession  of  our  own  proper- 
ty, so  soon  as  a  due  regard  to  treaty  stipulations 
will  permit?  A  refusal  to  do  so  will  involve  us  in 
this  very  uniileasant  dilemma:  either  we  are  not 
sincere,  and  do  not  believe  the  title  to  be  good,  or 
we  are  afraid  to  assert  our  rights  against  the 
power  of  England;  or,  what  is  still  worse,  that 
we  fear  to  take  upon  ourselves  the  responsibility. 
FVom  this  there  is  no  escape.  Let  us,  then,  deter- 
mine for  ourselves  and  our  constituency,  whether 
I  the  notice  shall  be  given,  and  direct  the  Presi- 
dent accordingly. 

We  come  now  to  inquire,  not  whether  war  will 
follow  our  resolution  to  give  the  notice,  but  wheth- 
er it  will  be  a  just  and  sufficient  cause  of  war. 
Having  satisfied  our  minds  on  this  question,  we 
have  but  one  course  to  pursue — "  to  go  where  duty 
calls  us;"  and  we  shall  be  recreant  to  our  trust  if  | 
we  fail  to  do  so.     By  the  convention  of  1827,  it  is 
expres.sly  provided  that  either  party  may  termi- 
nate the  joint  occupancy  by  giving  twelve  months' 
notice,  and  it  surely  cannot  be  contended  that  it 
]  will  be  just  cause  of  war  to  give  notice  in  pur- 1 
'  suance  of  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty.     It  has! 
!  been  suggested  that  we  should  wait,  and  let  Eng-I 
!  land  give  the  notice.    Is  it  believed  she  will  do  so, I 
i  or  is  there  any  man  liere  or  elsewhere  prepa'-ed  tol 
I  say  if  she  were  to  give  the  notice  it  would  be  justi-l 
j  fial)le  cause  of  war?     I  suppose  not.    Why,  then,! 
should  we  believe  it  would  be  a  just  and  sufficient| 
]  cause  of  war  to  her?     However,  we  are  told,  al- 
I  though  the  notice  of  itself  would  not  be  sufficient 
cause  of  war,  yet  we  are  about  to  pass  laws  exH 
tending  civil  and  military  protection  over  the  terri- 
tory and  inhabitants  of  Oregon.     This  is  certainlj 
true;  and  yet  the  passage  of  those  laws  can  be  nc 
cause  of  war.    England  has  passed  such  laws  morg 
than  twenty  years  ago,  and  the  United  States  have 
not  declared  war.     The  President  and  Congres.^ 
have  not  deemed  them  sufficient  cause  for  war,  on 
they  have  tarnished  the  honor  and  disgraced  (hfl 
American  name  by  basely  and  tamely  submitting 
to  such  humiliation. 


6 


^ 

\ 


While  it  cannot  and  will  not  be  seriously  con- 
tended that  eitliiT  or  both  lln'se  thinf^N  will  be  suffi- 
cient cause  of  wur,  there  are  niuny  who  will  insist 
that  Eni^lund  will  ^o  to  wur;  and  almost  in  the 
same  breath  liold  up,  in  Urrortm,  her  larf;e  stand- 
ing; army,  her  extensive  navy,  and  lier  immense 
military  and  naval  armaments  in  every  quarter  of 
the  fi;lol)e.  She  has  need  for  them  all  where  they 
are.  She  camiot  withdraw  her  forces  from  India — 
from  Ireland — from  the  island  (»f  Gnnit  Britain 
itself;  she  needs  them  all  for  the  security  of  her 
India  possessions  and  internal  tran(|uillity  at  home; 
and  she  has  no  force  to  spare  for  the  conquest  of 
an_y  part  of  the  United  Stales,  And  it  had  been 
said  we  were  unprepared  for  war,  and  in  a  defence- 
less situation.  This  may  be  true.  We  are  now 
much  stronger  than  we  have  been  in  any  war  with 
Enijland.  In  '76  she  was  little  less  powerful,  in 
1812  she  was  more  powerful,  than  she  is  now. 
Our  population  has  swelled  to  more  than  twenty 
millions;  in  1812  we  could  not  number  more  thari 
ei^ht,  and  in  177G  we  hud  only  three  millions. 
But  1  fear  we  may  be  in  a  more  weak  and  dcfeucc- 
less  situation.  Then  we  had  stout  hearts  and 
strong  arms,  and  the  battle-cry  was,  "  Liberty  or 
death."  Now  we  have  the  whispers  of  fear  even 
within  these  walls.  I  fear  we  may  be  less  pre- 
pared, not  in  ships  and  in  men  and  in  all  the  mu- 
nitions of  war,  but  that  our  hearts  quail  with  fear 
at  the  prospect  of  a  struggle  with  the  mighty  power 
of  England.  I  love  peace,  and  would  go  as  far  to 
preserve  peace — honorable  jieace — as'any  man  on 
this  floor.  My  constituents  have  a  deep  interest 
in  the  preservation  of  peace;  but,  sir,  they  would 

spise  me,  and  spurn  their  representative  with 

orn  who  would  tell  them  he  had  secured  jjcace 
y  the  sacrifice  of  the  rights  and  the  honor  of  his 
country,  and  that  he  had  prevented  a  war  by  yield- 
ing to  the  haughty  demands  of  Britain  all  she  re- 
quired.    I  cannot  and  will  not  do  it. 

We  have  been  told  of  the  wisdom  and  sagacity 
of  the  English  ministers.  It  is  upon  this  very 
wisdom  and  sagacity  that  my  opinion  is  predica- 
ted, that  they  will  not  go  to  war  without  just  and 
sufficient  cause.  They  are  wise  and  sagacious, 
and  will,  in  the  consideration  of  the  question  of 

Ceace  or  war,  not  confine  themselves  to  Oregon, 
ut  take  a  survey  of  all  the  interests  of  Great  Brit- 
ain most  certainly  to  be  affected  by  the  decision  of 
it.  Sir  Robert  Feel  has  been  emphatically  styled 
the  "  balance-sheet  minister,"  for  the  reason  that 
he  has  a  due  regard  to  the  commerce  of  England — 
the  source  of  her  wealth  and  power,  the  sinews 
of  her  strength;  and  he  will  ponder  long  ere  he 
will  consent  to  its  entire  destruction.  I  will  not 
deny  Great  Britain  can  do  us  almost  incalculable 
injury.  But  she  is  by  no  means  invulnerable. 
She  must  suffer  more  in  the  conflict  than  we.  Her 
victories,  like  those  of  Pyrrhus,  will  ruin  her.  The 

Sressure  and  the  calamities  of  war  may  bear  us 
own,  and  retard  for  a  season  our  onward  march, 
but  the  recuperative  energies  of  this  young  Repub- 
lic will  soon  restore  her.  Not  so  with  England. 
Break  the  charm  of  her  maritime  power,  and  the 
mighty  fabric  of  her  extended  empire  may  crum- 
ble into  ruins. 

In  the  sagacity  and  wisdom  of  her  ministers,  we 
have  an  almost  certain  guaranty  that  war  will  not 
immediately  follo'Y  the  giving  of  notice,  and  that 
it  will  not  be  declared,  if  ever,  till  the  expiration  of 


tweke  months.  She  must  have  two  crops  of  cot- 
ton to  keep  her  manufactories  emjiloyed — the  one 
now  being  (Carried  to  her,  and  the  one  which  will 
be  grown  this  year.  I  cannot  believe  that  Great 
Britain  will  go  to  war  but  in  the  last  extremity — 
not  from  fear,  for  she  is  a  brave  and  fearless  na- 
tion; she  is  too  wise  to  sacrifi<;e  all  her  important 
interests,  and  rush  into  a  war  for  the  acquisition  of 
a  country  to  which  she  knows  she  has  the  weaker 
title;  and  in  defence  of  that  liile,  which  can  only 
be  defeiid(!d  by  her  arms.  She  cannot  and  she  dots 
not  exjiect  to  acquire  any  glory  in  a  contest  with 
the  United  States. 

Can  any  man  believe  those  wise  and  sagacious 
statesmen  are  prepared  to  turn  loose  iier  thousands 
of  operatives  from  the  workshops  and  cotton-mills 
i  into  the  streets  to  starve,  and  add  to  her  already 
bloated  pauperism?  Are  they  willing  to  destroy 
her  manufaclurers?  to  spreau  ruin  and  desolation 
among  her  whole  commercial  and  shipping  inter- 
ests? Commerce  is  the  source  and  fountain  of 
her  wealth  and  her  power;  and  this  is  well  under- 
stood by  all  her  loading  men.  What  has  England 
done,  or  rather,  what  has  she  not  done,  for  the  ad- 
vancement and  protection  of  her  commerce?  In 
all  her  laws,  her  negotiations,  and  her  wars,  slie 
has  looked  with  an  eye  single  to  the  promotion  of 
that  darling  and  cherished  interest.  In  peace  and 
in  war  she  lias  never  for  a  moment  lost  sight  of  it; 
and  when  her  negotiators  have  failed,  her  admirals 
have  used  the  more  mighty  argument — line-of-bat- 
tle  ships.  Without  hesitation,  she  has  violated 
her  treaties  and  the  neutrality  of  other  nations  in 
the  capture  of  the  Danish  fleet  at  Copenhagen;  she 
imprinted  a  deep  stain  on  her  national  honor  by 
chaining  Napoleon,  who  threw  himself  into  her 
arms  for  protection,  to  the  rock  of  St.  Helena;  and  a 
foul  blot  on  her  escutcheon,  in  forcing  her  opium 
upon  the  imbecile  Chinese  at  the  cannon's  mouth. 
In  barbaric  ages,  Tamerlane  confined  and  ex- 
hibited the  captured  Bajazet  in  an  iron  cage.  In 
more  civilized  times,  fVancis  the  First,  who  lost 
all  but  his  hanor  at  the  battle  of  Pavia,  was  gen- 
erously liberated  by  Charles  the  Fifth;  but  Chris- 
tian, philanthropic  England,  deemed  herself  excus- 
able, for  the  advancement  of  commerce,  to  follow 
the  barbaric  rather  than  the  civilized  example. 

Will  they  be  satisfied  to  lose  the  carrying  trade 
of  the  world  ?  In  all  her  wars  heretofore,  England 
has  always  been  able  to  obtain  soldiers  from  the 
Continent,  and  to  retain  the  carrying  trade,  for  her 
contests  have  generally  been  with  the  continental 
nations;  and  she  has  always  been  able  to'  involve 
some  of  them  in  the  same  contest  who  would  fur- 
nish the  men,  while  her  commerce  enabled  her  to 
furnish  the  money.  Now,  she  must  depend  on 
her  own  men,  and  lose  that  trf^de  which  poured  mil- 
lions into  her  treasury  with  which  to  subsidize  the 
soldiers  of  other  nations.  A  war  with  the  United 
States  will  deprive  her  of  that  trade;  and  though 
her  sails  may  catch  every  breeze,  and  whiten  every 
sea,  they  cannot  escape  the  American  cruisers. 
They  may  fly  to  the  uttermost  bounds  of  the  sea, 
and  even  there  the  broad  stripes  and  bright  stars 
will  follow  them.  The  high  price  of  insurance 
will  force  that  trade  into  neutrals.  Time  was 
when  the  loss  of  that  trade  would  endure  only  with 
tho  war.  Now,  when  the  commercial  marine  of 
the  continent  has  increased,  through  a  long  peace, 
tiiiit  trade  once  lost  has  departed  forever. 


|crops  ofrot- 
Vtd — the  OHO 
|t'  wliicli  will 
Ve  that  Great 
(extremity— 
rearlcNs  n«- 

|er  irnportmit 

Inquisition  of 
the  weaker 

|'<'l»  «;an  only 
iii(i  she  (Iocs 

|contest  witii 

111  sn^jncious 
■r  thousands 
cotton-niilLs 
lier  already 
,   to  destroy 
d  desolation 
wing  inter- 
'■'Hintain  of 
well  iinder- 
ins  Enirjand 
.  for  the  ad- 
merce  ?    In 
wars,  she 
•omotion  of 
II  peace  and 
■  sight  of  it; 

ler  admirals 

-liiie-of-bat- 

las  violated 
nations  in 

iliagen;  she 

I  honor  by 

elf  into  her 

'lena;anda 
her  opium 

n's  mouth. 

J  and  ex- 
cage.     In 

t,  who  lost 

,  was  gen- 

^ut  Chris- 

3elfexcus- 

>  to  follow 
imple. 
ring  trade 

>  England 
from  the 

le,  for  her 
>ntinental 
J*  involve 
ould  fur- 
d  her  to 
pend  on 
ured  mil- 
Jdize  the 
e  United 
I  though 
en  every 
:ruisers. 
the  sea, 
lit  stars 
surance 
ne  was 
ly  with 
rine  of 
peace, 


Affnin,  sir;  arc  ihoy  prepared  for  an  increase  nf 
her  public  debt?  Will  liercapiu\iists  and  bankers 
agree  to  it?  England  went  out  of  the  war  with 
France  with  a  dcl)i  of  ^■800,0()0,()0(),  and  thirty 
years  of  peace  has  not  reduced  that  enormous 
del)!  more  than  ciT»0,()00,O()O;  although  every  ne- 
cessary of  life — even  the  air  they  breathe— has  been 
taxed  to  exhaustion;  and  the  fwuighty  ariMtocracy 
has  been  compelled  to  disgorge  its  overgrown 
wealth  for  the  support  of  the  country.  Will  they 
consent  to  lend  tlieir  money,  and  swell  to  excess 
an  already  unwieldy  debt  on  the  credit  of  a  Gov- 
ernment which  can  scarcely  pay  the  interest  of 
that  already  accumulated?  Or  will  the  people  of 
England,  or  can  they,  bear  any  increase  of  their 
burdens  ? 

And  where  is  Ireland,  and  what  is  her  situation  ? 
Can  the  British  ministers  veil  their  eyes  to  it, 
when  they  know  she  waits  but  the  occasion  of 
war  to  enforce  her  demands  ?  Arc  they  prepared 
for  an  unconditional  repeal  of  the  Union,  and  to 
grant  to  Ireland  her  own  parliament,  with  an  equal 
participation  in  the  blessings  of  her  Government  ? 
Or  do  they  believe,  without  these  concessions, 
Ireland  will  assist  in  the  war,  or  even  remain  quiet, 
and  permit  her  to  withrlraw  her  troops  and  send 
them  to  this  country  ?  No,  sir  :  depend  upon  it, 
the  first  ^un  discharged  against  an  American  ship, 
an  American  battery,  or  an  American  fort,  will  be 
the  signal  for  the  Irish  nation  to  rise,  and,  with  the 
voice  of  authority  which  cannot  be  disobeyed, 
demand  a  redress  of  all  their  grievances. 

And  will  Canada  be  safe  ?  Rely  upon  it,  the  war 
will  be  fought  in  Canada.  Are  the  inhabitants  of 
Upper  Canada  content  with  the  English  rule  ?  Will 
they  not  readily  join  our  standard,  and  strike  for 
liberty,  when  they  know  we  are  able  to  protect 
them  ?  Will  Lower  Canada  linger  behind  her  sis- 
ter? Now,  sir,  I  wish  not  to  be  misunderstood. 
I  do  not  desire  to  conquer  Canada.  I  would  not 
if  I  could.  I  hope  not  to  live  to  see  the  day  when 
the  Government  of  the  United  Stales  shall  be  ex- 
tended bjr  conquest.  But  I  would  extend  to  them 
the  blessings  of  otii"  free  institutions,  and  invite 
them  to  partake,  and  my  word  for  it,  another  an- 
nexation would  take  place  despite  the  diplomacy 
and  the  cannon  of  England.  All  these  things  are 
well  known  to  England,  and  she  fears  them  too. 
She  well  knows  she  must  seal  her  own  destruction 
by  a  war  with  the  United  States,  which  would 
only  retard  and  not  materially  injure  our  pros- 
perity. 

But  if,  under  all  these  circumstances,  regardless 
of  all  the  consequences  which  must  follow  in  the 
train  of  war,  the  English  ministers  determine  to 
resort  to  the  xUtima  ratio  regum — the  artillery  and 
the  bayonet — we  shall  have  the  proud  consolation 
of  knowing  that  we  have  discnaro;ed  our  duty; 
that  we  have  only  demanded  our  rights;  that  we 
have  adhered  to  the  maxim  of  the  fearless,  lion- 
hearted  Jackson,  "  to  demand  nothing  that  is 
wrono;,  and  to  yield  nothing  that  is  our  right;" 
and  that  all  the  blood  which  may  be  spilled  in  this 
dire  contest  must  lie  on  the  skirts  of  England. 

Mr.  Chairman,  there  is  one  memorable  fact  in 
the  history  of  our  Government,  which  must  fill  the 


heart  of  every  American  with  proud  exultation— 
that  we  have  never  committed  an  act  of  injustice 
and  oppression  upon  other  nations.  While  we 
have  been  compelled  to  demand  indemnity  for 
spoliations  upon  our  commerce  and  our  citi/.enn 
in  manifold  instances,  in  no  one  case  has  it  ever 
been  asked  for  of  us. 

We  need  not  fear  that  war  will  come;  but  if  it 
does,  we  are  ready  for  the  contest.  Let  but  tho 
clarion  of  war  be  sounded,  and  notwithstanding  the 
dirterences  of  opinion  which  may  be  here  express- 
ed, there  will  be  but  one  opinion  over  this  wide- 
spread country.  From  the  lakes  to  the  Rio  del 
Jvorle,  there  will  be  but  one  voice  and  one  heart, 
echoing  the  cry  •'  Ah,  'tis  sweet,  'tis  sweet  to  die 
for  our  country  ' — that  sentiment,  immortalized  by 
the  dying  tongue  of  the  noble  Warren,  the  hero  of 
Bunker  Hill,  the  first  sacrifice  on  the  altar  of  hia 
counvry. 

Sir,  I  have  heard  with  feelings  of  mortification 
and  regret,  the  declaration,  on  this  floor,  that  if 
we  pass  this  resolution  to  give  notice,  England  is 
obliged  to  declare  war — that  her  honor  demands  it. 
This  reminds  me  of  that  officious  friendship  which 
is  sometimes  oflfered,  and  induces  some  persons, 
upon  a  slight  controversy,  to  believe  that  they  are 
obliged  to  fight.  My  hope  and  consolation  are, 
that  Sir  Robert  Peel  will  not  hear  of  them,  or 
hearing  will  not  heed  them.  If  he  were  to  act 
from  those  suggestions,  or  be  influenced  by  those 
opinions,  then  he  must  resort  to  arms;  while,  if 
left  to  the  promptings  of  his  own  sagacity,  and 
the  interests  of  England,  he  will  not  disturb  the 
general  peace.  Whether  peace  or  war  ensue,  we 
have  the  ]}\<\id  satisfaction  of  knowing  we  have 
done  our  duty,  and  used  every  means  to  secure  an 
honorable  peace.  But  if  the  gates  of  Janus  must 
be  thrown  open,  and  war  must  come,  the  hearts 
of  the  American  people  are  ready  for  the  conflict. 
Raise  ••  high  the  banner  of  our  pride;"  fling  to 
the  winds  the  broad  stripes  and  bright  stars,  the 
glorious  banner  of  our  country;  and  every  heart 
will  respond  to  the  poet — 

"  Oh,  if  there  be  Within  this  ertrthly  sphere, 
A  boon,  nn  oftbrin;;,  Heaven  holds  dear, 
'Tis  the  lastiibatinn  Liberty  draws 
From  the  heart  that  bleeds  and  breaks  in  her  caufsc." 

Yes,  sir;  the  tree  of  liberty  was  planted  in  Amer- 
ica in  the  Revolution;  it  was  watered  by  the  tears 
and  nourished  by  the  blood  of  our  fathers;  it  has 
grown  to  be  a  great  tree,  and  the  branches  thereof 
will  cover  this  whole  continent.  I  will  not  say  the 
sons  of  the  sunny  South — I  will  not  make  the  in- 
vidious distinction;  but  I  will  say  the  North  and 
the  South,  the  East  and  the  West — the  sons  of  the 
immortal  heroes  of  the  Revolution — will  rally 
under  its  shadow,  and  defend  the  standard  of  our 
country  with  their  lives,  or,  clinging  to  its  branch- 
es, they  will  perish  in  its  ruins. 

Sir,  I  have  done;  and  to  Him  who  holds  the  des- 
tinies of  nations  in  the  hollow  of  His  hand — who 
gives  not  the  race  to  the  swift,  nor  the  battle  to  th« 
strong — with  a  firm  reliance  on  His  divine  protec- 
tion, most  willingly  do  I  commit  the  fate  of  our 
beloved  country. 


